What does it mean to think of whiteness not as a biological category but as an ideology? What are some examples of privileges conferred to whiteness (ie., not necessarilyto all white people). Please Only use the attachments to answer.
Untitled The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: Racialized Social Democracy and the "White" Problem in American Studies Author(s): George Lipsitz Source: American Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3 (Sep., 1995), pp. 369-387 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2713291 Accessed: 05-12-2016 17:28 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
[email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Quarterly This content downloaded from 64.106.111.14 on Mon, 05 Dec 2016 17:28:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: Racialized Social Democracy and the "White" Problem in American Studies GEORGE LIPSITZ University of California, San Diego SHORTLY AFTER WORLD WAR II, A FRENCH REPORTER ASKED EXPATRI- ate Richard Wright his opinion about the "Negro problem" in the United States. The author replied "There isn't any Negro problem; there is only a white problem."' By inverting the reporter's question, Wright called attention to its hidden assumptions-that racial polariza- tion comes from the existence of blacks rather than from the behavior of whites, that black people are a "problem" for whites rather than fellow citizens entitled to justice, and that unless otherwise specified, "Americans" means whites.2 But Wright's formulation also placed political mobilization by African Americans in context, attributing it to the systemic practices of aversion, exploitation, denigration, and dis- crimination practiced by people who think of themselves as "white." Whiteness is everywhere in American culture, but it is very hard to see. As Richard Dyer argues, "white power secures its dominance by seeming not to be anything in particular."3 As the unmarked category against which difference is constructed, whiteness never has to speak its name, never has to acknowledge its role as an organizing principle in social and cultural relations.4 To identify, analyze, and oppose the destructive consequences of whiteness, we need what Walter Benjamin called "presence of mind." Benjamin wrote that people visit fortune-tellers not so much out of a desire to know the future but rather out of a fear of not noticing some George Lipsitz is a professor of ethnic studies at the University of California, San Diego. His publications include Time Passages: Collective Memory and American Popular Culture (Minneapolis, Minn., 1990), Rainbow at Midnight (Urbana, Ill., 1994), and Dangerous Crossroads (New York, 1994). American Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3 (September 1995) ( 1995 American Studies Association 369 This content downloaded from 64.106.111.14 on Mon, 05 Dec 2016 17:28:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 370 AMERICAN QUARTERLY important aspect of the present. "Presence of mind," he argued, "is an abstract of the future, and precise awareness of the present moment more decisive than foreknowledge of the most distant events."' In our society at this time, precise awareness of the present moment requires an understanding of the existence and the destructive consequences of "white" identity. In recent years, an important body of American studies scholarship has started to explore the role played by cultural practices in creating "whiteness" in the United States. More than the product of private prejudices, whiteness emerged as a relevant category in American life largely because of realities created by slavery and segregation, by immigration restriction and Indian policy, by conquest and colonialism. A fictive identity of "whiteness" appeared in law as an abstraction, and it became actualized in everyday life in many ways. American eco- nomic and political life gave different racial groups unequal access to citizenship and property, while cultural practices including wild west shows, minstrel shows, racist images in advertising, and Hollywood films institutionalized racism by uniting ethnically diverse European- American audiences into an imagined community-one called into being through inscribed appeals to the solidarity of white supremacy.6 Although cross-ethnic identification and pan-ethnic antiracism in cul- ture, politics, and economics have often interrupted and resisted racialized white supremacist notions of American identity, from colo- nial days to the present, successful political coalitions serving domi- nant interests have often relied on exclusionary concepts of whiteness to fuse unity among otherwise antagonistic individuals and groups.7 In these accounts by American studies scholars, cultural practices have often played crucial roles in prefiguring, presenting, and preserv- ing political coalitions based on identification with the fiction of "whiteness." Andrew Jackson's coalition of the "common man," Woodrow Wilson's "New Freedom," and Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal all echoed in politics the alliances announced on stage and screen by the nineteenth-century minstrel show, by D. W. Griffith's cinema, and by Al Jolson's ethnic and racial imagery.8 This impressive body of scholarship helps us understand how people who left Europe as Calabrians or Bohemians became something called "whites" when they got to America and how that designation made all the difference in the world. Yet, while cultural expressions have played an important role in the This content downloaded from 64.106.111.14 on Mon, 05 Dec 2016 17:28:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THE POSSESSIVE INVESTMENT IN WHITENESS 371 construction of white supremacist political alliances, the reverse is also true (i.e., political activity has also played a constitutive role in racializing U.S. culture). Race is a cultural construct, but one with sinister structural causes and consequences. Conscious and deliberate actions have institutionalized group identity in the United States, not just through the dissemination of cultural stories but also through systematic efforts from colonial times to the present to create a possessive investment in whiteness for European Americans. Studies of culture too far removed from studies of social structure leave us with inadequate explanations for understanding racism and inadequate remedies for combatting it. From the start, European settlers in North America established structures encouraging possessive investment in whiteness. The colo- nial and early-national legal systems authorized attacks on Native Americans and encouraged the appropriation of their lands. They legitimated racialized chattel slavery, restricted naturalized citizenship to "white" immigrants, and provided pretexts for exploiting labor, seizing property, and denying the franchise to Asian Americans, Mexican Americans, Native Americans, and African Americans. Slav- ery and "Jim Crow" segregation institutionalized possessive identifica- tion with whiteness visibly and openly, but an elaborate interaction of largely covert public and private decisions during and after the days of slavery and segregation also produced a powerful legacy with enduring effects on the racialization of experience, opportunities, and rewards in the United States possessive investment in whiteness pervades public policy in the United States past and present-not just long ago during slavery and segregation but in the recent past and present as well- through the covert but no less systematic racism inscribed within U.S. social democracy. Even though there has always been racism in American history, it has not always been the same racism. Political and cultural struggles over power shape the contours and dimensions of racism in any era. Mass mobilizations against racism during the Civil War and civil rights eras meaningfully curtailed the reach and scope of white supremacy, but in each case reactionary forces then engineered a renewal of racism, albeit in new forms, during successive decades. Racism changes over time, taking on different forms and serving different social purposes in different eras. Contemporary racism is not just a residual consequence of slavery This content downloaded from 64.106.111.14 on Mon, 05 Dec 2016 17:28:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 372 AMERICAN QUARTERLY and dejure segregation but rather something that has been created anew in our own time by many factors including the putatively race-neutral liberal social democratic reforms of the past five decades. Despite hard- fought battles for change that secured important concessions during the 1960s in the form of civil rights legislation, the racialized nature of social democratic policies in the United States since the Great Depres- sion has, in my judgment, actually increased the possessive investment in whiteness among European Americans over the past half-century. The possessive investment in whiteness is not a simple matter of black and white; all racialized minority groups have suffered from it, albeit to different degrees and in different ways. Most of my argument here addresses relations between European Americans and African Americans because they contain many of the most vivid oppositions and contrasts, but the possessive investment in whiteness always emerges from a fused sensibility drawing on many sources at once-on antiblack racism to be sure, but also on the legacies of racialization left by federal, state, and local policies toward Native Americans, Asian Americans, Mexican Americans, and other groups designated by whites as "racially other." During the New Deal, both the Wagner Act and the Social Security Act excluded farm workers and domestics from coverage, effectively denying those disproportionately minority sectors of the work force protections and benefits routinely channeled to whites. The Federal Housing Act of 1934 brought home ownership within reach of millions of citizens by placing the credit of the federal government behind private lending to home buyers, but overtly racist categories in the Federal Housing Administration's (FHA's) "confidential" city surveys and appraisers' manuals channeled almost all of the loan money toward whites and away from communities of color.9 In the post-World War II era, trade unions negotiated contract provisions giving private medical insurance, pensions, and job security largely to the mostly white workers in unionized mass-production industries rather than fighting for full employment, universal medical care, and old age pensions for all or for an end to discriminatory hiring and promotion practices by employers.10 Each of these policies widened the gap between the resources available to whites and those available to aggrieved racial oommunities, but the most damaging long-term effects may well have come from the impact of the racial discrimination codified by the policies of the FHA