use only the file I attached, no out side source allowed and cite the in MLA format.
12pt type, double-spaced, no extra spacing between paragraphs, no headers, no cover sheet, Based upon the readings of attached file and the link I listed below, discuss in a general sense your opinions regarding what is currently happening in the East Africa regions: problems and possible futures, and especially general economic and political issues and environmental issues as discussed in the readings. Use the readings that support your opinions and insights. Do NOT summarize – present your opinions. Write in the first person. No outside readings are allowed, use only the file I attached. No bibliography is required Cite the readings in this manner: Blah blah blah (AGOC, 76) or Blah blah blah (ASOTS, 76) – you do not need to include a separate bibliography. Please remember that paraphrasing must be cited and all quotes must be cited. Cite the readings in this manner: Blah blah blah (AGOC, 76) or Blah blah blah (Canby, 76) – you do not need to include a separate bibliography. Please remember that paraphrasing must be cited and all quotes must be cited. · Education Still Elusive Goal For Refugeeshttps://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/ea/Education-still-elusive-refugees-Uganda-open-door-policy/4552908-5470594-13hj6ktz/index.html 38 Middle East & Africa The Economist August 1st 2020 2 “We were born here, we grew uphere, but now we live like beggars,” fumes Tsige Bule, gazing from a rain-splat- tered porch towards the grey and unfin- ished apartment block that looms over what remains of her family’s farmland. Several years ago the Ethiopian authorities confiscated almost all of it to build public housing for residents of Addis Ababa, the capital. In the past decade the expanding city has inched ever closer to Tsige’s village. She sold her cows and began buying jerry cans because water from the nearby river had become toxic. Her sons dropped out of school to work as labourers on nearby building sites. A life of modest comfort tee- tered toward destitution. There is a deep well of anger in the sub- urbs and countryside around the Ethiopian capital. In July riots took place near Tsige’s home after the assassination of Hachalu Hundessa, a popular musician and activist from the Oromo ethnic group. New hous- ing estates were pelted with stones, cars and petrol stations were set alight. Towns across the vast region of Oromia, which surrounds Addis Ababa, were similarly rav- aged. Much of central Shashamene, a booming entrepot some 200km south, was burned to the ground. There were wide- spread attacks on minorities, notably Am- haras, the largest ethnic group after the Oromo. Hotels, businesses and homes were destroyed or damaged. By one count 239 people were killed, some murdered by mobs, others by security forces. The threads that connect the carnage in Oromia with the plight of Tsige’s family are real, even if hard to see. In recent years towns and cities in southern Ethiopia, es- pecially in Oromia, have been flashpoints for political and ethnic turmoil. The latest bout was triggered by national politics: many Oromos saw Hachalu’s murder as an attack on the Oromo opposition move- ment. Much of their anger is also stoked by a fear that Abiy Ahmed, the prime minister, has reneged on promises he made in 2018 to end both authoritarian rule and the al- leged marginalisation of Oromos. But a closer look at the pattern of violence in cer- tain places suggests that local factors such as who owns land and businesses may also have played a big part. Many southern towns began as imperial garrisons after the conquests of Emperor Menelik ii, an Amhara, in the late 19th cen- tury. Establishing cities sometimes in- volved the eviction of those already on the land, including the Oromo clans who lived on ground that was taken for Addis Ababa. As towns expanded they attracted settlers from Ethiopia’s northern highlands, who spoke Amharic and dominated urban com- merce and the state bureaucracy. Amharic- speakers are still perceived to control much of the urban economy. “If you take 50 hotels in the city, only three are owned by Oromos,” alleges the owner of a juice bar in Adama, the second-largest city in Oromia. Old tensions are exacerbated by two fac- tors in modern Ethiopian politics. The first is the 1995 constitution, which carved up territory along ethnic lines. In doing so it introduced the notion of ethnic ownership of cities and towns. This is particularly pro- nounced in the case of Addis Ababa, in which the constitution granted Oromia a “special interest”. Oromo nationalists claim the city is part of their historic “homeland” and demand a final say over its governance. But similar conflicts fester elsewhere, sometimes turning violent, as in the eastern city of Harar, where a minor- ity of ethnic Harari enjoyed political privi- leges at the expense of much larger Oromo and Amhara populations. The system also hardened perceptions of non-indigenous folk as alien settlers. In Shashamene mobs went from door to door checking identity cards, which record eth- nicity, before burning property belonging to Christians and non-Oromos. “They have a plan to dominate the economy of this town,” frets a non-Oromo. “At the core this is about the concentration of economic power and opportunity in urban areas,” says Eshetayehu Kinfu of Hawassa Univer- sity near Shashamene. The second factor is land. In Ethiopia, all land is owned by the state. Although the constitution guarantees free land to farm- ers, in practice farmers and poor folk in cit- ies have few legal protections from evic- tion, says Logan Cochrane, also of Hawassa University. For urban officials, leasing and administering high-value land is a source of revenue, rents and patronage. So many grab lots of it, adding to the ranks of the landless and jobless. “Our fathers lost their land, so we have nothing to inherit,” says Tsige’s son Bete- mariam. An added sore is that public hous- ing built on land that belonged to Oromo farmers was typically given to more prosperous city-dwellers. “It’s not fair,” says Beshadu Degife, who lives down the lane. “This land is ours but now it’s people from other places who are enjoying it.” The growing perception is that towns with mixed populations are strongholds of Abiy’s Prosperity Party, which seeks to have no ethnic slant. This perception may fur- ther aggravate tensions. As Ethiopia pre- pares for delayed elections some time next year, towns will be places to watch—and worry about. 7 A D D I S A B A B A A N D S H A S H A M E N E How land disputes fuel ethnic conflict in Ethiopia Ethiopia Urban brawl After the identity checks ample to state-owned enterprises such as Eskom, the indebted electricity utility. They are open to a self-imposed “debt ceil- ing” (public borrowing is projected to hit 87% of gdp in 2024 before declining). But little of this is new. In June Mr Mboweni gave a statement to parliament with simi- lar commitments. South Africa’s problem is not a lack of ideas. It is politics. Although he has said he supports Mr Mboweni, President Cyril Ra- maphosa has done little to show it. He has often made the job of his finance minister harder, for instance by promising that there would be no “mass retrenchment” of public employees, and by dithering over state enterprises. Corruption remains rife. Credit-rating agencies doubt that Mr Mbo- weni will meet his targets. Few believe that Mr Ramaphosa will face down trade unions or his party ahead of its National General Council and local elections in 2021. So this may not be the last time South Africa turns to the fund. The next bail-out would come with tough conditions, which would infuriate the anc. But the party ought to appreciate what Mr Mbeki and Mr Manuel understood: that the way to protect your economic sovereignty is to avoid the need for the imf in the first place. 7