Latino Media
TV for US or THEM
DB 10 Due 04/03/2020
Read and watch the video linked to answer the following
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q__bSi5rBlw&feature=emb_title
Reflect on the differences between traditional Latino Television and YouTubechannels.How are their approaches, narratives, and language different? Will YouTubeand other internetvideoplatforms replace TVjournalism? Why?
Make sure you cite the article you have read and the video you have watched this week.
Chapter 5The New Hispanic Television LandscapeChristopher Chavez.pdf Destruction and Salvation of the Cuban Family, 1959–1962 - North Carolina Scholarship The Destruction and Salvation of the Cuban Family, 1959–1962 Page 1 of 37 PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2020. All Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in NCSO for personal use. Subscriber: New York University; date: 16 March 2020 Revolution Within the Revolution: Women and Gender Politics in Cuba, 1952-1962 Michelle Chase Print publication date: 2015 Print ISBN-13: 9781469625003 Published to North Carolina Scholarship Online: May 2016 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625003.001.0001 The Destruction and Salvation of the Cuban Family, 1959–1962 Michelle Chase DOI:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625003.003.0007 Abstract and Keywords This chapter argues that struggles over idealized visions of marriage, children, and the family were key to competing notions of the nation’s future in this period. The chapter demonstrates that, during the revolution’s first year in power, the leadership embarked on moderate reforms to bolster the family, unveiling initiatives to increase formal rates of marriage, construct mass housing, foment popular family tourism, and supply day care for working mothers. But as the revolution radicalized, new political mobilizations such as the 1961 literacy campaign increasingly took women, adolescents, and children out of the family home, and broader societal conflicts over religion and education grew increasingly sharp. In this context, the growing anti- Communist movement appealed to the “destruction of the family,” intentionally spreading rumors that parental custodial rights would be abrogated. Meanwhile, revolutionary leaders sharpened their visions of how the state might remold the working-class family. Keywords: Marriage, Family, Children (childhood), Sexuality, Rumors, anti-Communism, literacy campaign, popular tourism, mass housing, day care Shortly after coming to power, the new revolutionary authorities embarked on a series of measures to fortify the family. Mass weddings legalized informal unions. New legislation enforced protection for children born out of wedlock. Newly subsidized leisure activities and urban housing were designed to encourage a healthy and dignified family. Yet by 1960 the growing ranks of the disaffected and the increasingly organized political opposition charged that the revolution was destroying the family. How can these two seemingly divergent claims be reconciled? This chapter examines transformations to the Cuban family, both real and imagined, intentional and unintentional. Following Anita Casavantes Bradford’s pioneering study of children in the early revolution, published in 2014, this chapter argues that struggles over idealized visions of marriage, children, and the family were key to competing notions of the nation’s future in this period.1 Although the revolutionary leadership and the growing ranks of the disaffected initially shared liberal ideals of family fortification, those ideals were soon strained by the rapid changes https://northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625003.001.0001/upso-9781469625003 https://northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625003.001.0001/upso-9781469625003 https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=Marriage https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=Family https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=Children (childhood) https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=Sexuality https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=Rumors https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=anti-Communism https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=literacy campaign https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=popular tourism https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=mass housing https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/search?f_0=keywords&q_0=day care The Destruction and Salvation of the Cuban Family, 1959–1962 Page 2 of 37 PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2020. All Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in NCSO for personal use. Subscriber: New York University; date: 16 March 2020 of the period. Throughout 1960, the new mass organizations and revolutionary campaigns increasingly mobilized women, adolescents, and children, inadvertently challenging traditional family structures in the process.2 In this context of rapid transformation, both revolutionary leaders and those who began mobilizing against the revolution increasingly appealed to “the family” as a way to justify their positions. In so doing, they sharpened their visions of how the state might remold the family. By 1961 the revolutionary leadership had moved from reformist notions of family uplift toward a more strident and interventionist vision of popular motherhood, strong working-class families, and patriotic childhood. At the same time, Cubans suspicious of the revolutionary leadership increasingly feared that the new government would displace the rights and duties of parenthood and the patriarchal family onto an authoritarian state. (p.171) This fear reached its culmination in a campaign of rumors about the abolition of Patria Potestad. Patria Potestad was a legal term encompassing various parental rights over one’s children, including custody. From mid-1960 through 1961, organized opponents of the revolution with the CIA’s backing intentionally spread rumors that the revolutionary government would soon end parents’ legal custodial rights to their own children. It was said that all children over the age of five would be forcibly removed from the family home, sent to schools in the countryside for indoctrination, inducted into the militias for military training, and, finally, sent to the Soviet Union for further exposure to Marxism. These rumors, while apparently unfounded, had serious practical consequences. They helped convince many parents that their children would be safer abroad, and thus contributed to Operation Peter Pan, a secret program operated by the U.S. State Department in conjunction with U.S.-based Catholic relief agencies and the underground anti-Castro movement in Havana.3 This program consisted of the clandestine evacuation of 14,000 unaccompanied, mostly urban, middle-class Cuban children to the United States. Parents believed these relocations would be temporary. They hoped to either bring their children back to Cuba after the revolution’s swift overthrow or join their children in exile. Instead, Operation Peter Pan resulted in permanent emigrations and often in painful, years-long separations between children and their parents. Gender and sexuality determined the pattern of these fears over familial destruction. The plights that might befall prepubescent children, adolescent boys and girls, and adult women were viewed as distinct. Parents focused on the political indoctrination of young children, especially as private education was abolished. When it came to teenage boys, they worried that they would be trained to fight in foreign wars. But fears over the removal of teenage girls from the home focused more on potential sexual transgressions: parents feared that adolescent girls’ mobilization through government campaigns would result in either sexual promiscuity and pregnancy or militarization and hence masculinization. Similarly, the heightened focus on children inevitably meant that changes to adult women’s roles were given special scrutiny. Women in their current or future role as mothers were seen as the lynchpins of the family, and deviation from their traditional roles was imagined to facilitate the disintegration of the family unit. For this reason, changes that in retrospect seem relatively innocuous—such as women performing voluntary manual labor, joining a mass organization, engaging in paid labor for the first time, or simply being (p.172) encouraged to more frequently leave the house for “the street”—could be read as symptomatic of deeper and more threatening changes. For if women could be subverted from their traditional calling as mothers and homemakers, families might then be abandoned to the whims of the state. The specter of state intrusion into the domestic sphere thus seemed to position mothers as the state’s natural The Destruction and Salvation of the Cuban Family, 1959–1962 Page 3 of 37 PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2020. All Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in NCSO for personal use. Subscriber: New York University; date: 16 March 2020 antagonists, and the emerging anti-Castro opposition accordingly imagined women at the vanguard of anticommunist resistance. The conflict over the roles of women, children, and the family also influenced the racial imaginary of the period. Anti-Castro propaganda tended to depict the family under siege as white, middle-class, and nuclear.4 In many ways, ironically, this bolstered the revolutionary leadership’s increasing portrayal of exiles and oppositionists as economic elites incapable of accepting the racially inclusive project of the revolution. And while state-sanctioned propaganda still often depicted imagined revolutionary subjects as white, this was beginning to change, as new actors—such as the Afro-Cuban literacy brigade volunteer Conrado Benítez—were publicly celebrated as the embodiment of revolutionary abnegation.5 Rumors over the state’s appropriation of children should not surprise us. As the historian Karen Dubinsky notes, social and political upheavals often generate anxieties that are expressed in apocalyptic stories about missing children. From rumors of children stolen by the monarchy during the French Revolution, to fears of Communist “baby snatchers” during the Cold War, the plight of children has historically carried an enormous symbolic impact.6 The particular dynamics of the Cold War, with its simultaneous emphasis on the need for domestic security and the pervasive threat of global annihilation, generated an even more intense focus on children’s protection in the capitalist West.7 For different reasons, children in the socialist world and in the revolutionary upheavals of the decolonizing world were also endowed with special importance. Children were the future citizens, the “new men” and “new women” who would construct a more just future society. They had to be educated in new revolutionary values in order to transcend the tradition that weighed down older generations.8 In 1959 Cuba found itself at the crossroads of these different currents. As a result, children—and by extension the family—were invested with enormous symbolic significance. This chapter suggests that perceived threats to children, the family, and conventional forms of marriage and sexuality were an important motor of disaffection and exodus in the crucial period of the revolution’s definition and consolidation. These perceived threats also helped the growing organized (p.173) opposition congeal. Just as the politically plural anti-Batista movement had papered over differences with a discursive focus on manly martyrdom, grieving motherhood, and distraught families, so too did allegations about the destruction of the family lend coherence to the poorly unified and politically diverse anti-Castro movement. And they fueled the articulation of a more conservative, Catholic-inspired vision of womanhood and family within the anti-Castro movement. Taking allegations of family destruction seriously thus helps us recapture the moral anticommunism that was especially characteristic of the middle sectors, who feared intimate transformations to the family and the self as well as broad economic and political changes. Studies of the anti-Castro movement have been so dominated by the polarized “official” accounts of the island