Due 5/24/13 at 11:50pm eastern What is the difference between emic and etic research? Provide examples that illustrate the misapplication of both approaches to research populations in urban settings....

Due 5/24/13 at 11:50pm eastern What is the difference between emic and etic research? Provide examples that illustrate the misapplication of both approaches to research populations in urban settings. (300 words not including references) Due 5/25/13 at 10am eastern Suppose you want to conduct research about self-esteem issues among pre-adolescents.


Due 5/24/13 at 11:50pm eastern 1. What is the difference between emic and etic research? Provide examples that illustrate the misapplication of both approaches to research populations in urban settings. (300 words not including references) Due 5/25/13 at 10am eastern 2. Suppose you want to conduct research about self-esteem issues among pre-adolescents. What are the challenges you would face in finding comparable samples from available subjects? (300 words not including references) Due 5/25/13 at 10am eastern gender and ethnicity - Explain the implications of the diversity perspective on human behavior in the workplace ( in 200 words) ******************************* Due 5/26/13 5pm eastern Prepare a 1,050- to 1,200-word paper in which you examine multicultural psychology. Address the following items: Define multicultural psychology. Provide a brief history of multicultural psychology. Provide a rationale for the establishment of multicultural psychology as a subspecialty of psychology. Cite at least two references in your paper to support your examination. Format your paper consistent with APA guidelines. CH02.FM 25 CROSS-CULTURAL RESEARCH: SCOPE AND METHODS This book aims to teach about cross-cultural psychology and not necessarily how to do it. Nevertheless, in this chapter, as we survey the kinds of questions addressed in cross- cultural research, we will have to consider some of the advantages and difficulties of doing behavioral research cross-culturally and some solutions to the difficulties. You may not learn how to do research yourself, but you should certainly learn how to read criti- cally the research done by others, enabling you to assess its validity and significance. In this chapter, we will present our conceptual framework and some fundamental ideas about cross-cultural research methods. A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY As we stated in Chapter 1, biological inheritance by itself explains little about human behavior. While behavior is in part a function of a multitude of inherited potentialities, all human behavior is shaped by experience. Human behavior, then, is a product of a complex interaction involving genetic and experiential factors, with both present and past experience weighted heavily in its ultimate determination. Our thinking on the relation- ship of ecology, culture, genetics, experience, and human behavior is illustrated in a con- ceptual framework presented in Figure 2.1. This framework links ecological and sociopolitical contexts with various psychological characteristics, and contains interven- ing process variables wherein both biological and cultural influences are transmitted from the context to the individual. Most, if not all, of the questions posed in cross-cul- tural psychology may be subsumed by Figure 2.1 and it will be instructive to return to it frequently and apply it to the topics in each chapter of this book. 2 IS B N :0 -5 36 -3 25 45 -6 Human Behavior in Global Perspective: An Introduction to Cross-Cultural Psychology, Second Edition, by Marshall H. Segall, Pierre R. Dasen, John W. Berry, and Ype Poortinga. Copyright © 1999, 1990 by Allyn and Bacon. A Peason Education Company. 26 Chapter 2 The conceptual framework, which incorporates the diverse kinds of research done in cross-cultural psychology, was designed and modified by Berry (1971, 1976a, 1986). It is also the framework that guides the textbook that complements this one (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992). The framework contains vari- ables at the levels of populations and individuals. It includes background variables, process variables, and psychological outcomes. The background variables include two kinds of contexts, ecological and sociopolitical. These contexts constrain, pres- sure, and nurture cultural forms, which in turn shape behavior. Humans also change the ecological and sociopolitical contexts in which they live. This is signified by a general feedback loop, which also stands for particular feedbacks and reciprocal relations among other components in the framework. Context Variables The ecological context includes climatic and other natural factors—such as water supply, soil conditions, temperature, and terrain—that combine to influence, among other things, any society’s food-production system. These natural conditions affect food-production techniques, which are clearly fundamental to the functioning of FIGURE 2.1 A Conceptual Framework for Cross-Cultural Psychology IS B N :0-536 -32545-6 Human Behavior in Global Perspective: An Introduction to Cross-Cultural Psychology, Second Edition, by Marshall H. Segall, Pierre R. Dasen, John W. Berry, and Ype Poortinga. Copyright © 1999, 1990 by Allyn and Bacon. A Peason Education Company. Cross-Cultural Research: Scope and Methods 27 society. A decision to feed primarily on meat from large animals depends on their availability, which in turn depends on climate, water supply, type of ground cover, and the like. Herding as a way of producing food depends on the availability of con- ditions favorable to animal husbandry. Fishing demands that one live near water. A convenient way to categorize different food-production systems is by degree of food accumulation, a variable investigated by Barry, Child, and Bacon (1959) in a study of childrearing patterns. At the low extreme are societies that pursue hunting and gathering as a primary feeding technique. Food is not stored for later consumption but is merely to be sought when needed. It is sometimes abundant and sometimes in short supply, but it is seldom accumulated. Societies at the high extreme include those that employ agriculture, accumulating food by producing, storing, and planting seeds. Such societies, particularly if they also raise animals, typically store much of their food for later needs. Animal-husbandry societies are very high in food accumulation, investing resources in meat on the hoof that may not be needed for months. There are well-replicated anthropological observations (Barry et al., 1959; Hen- drix, 1985) indicating that a society’s degree of food accumulation is correlated with other characteristics. For example, high-food-accumulating societies, as well as techno- logically developed societies, tend to be sedentary and relatively dense in population. Low-food-accumulating societies tend to be composed of less dense, often migratory populations. (Later, in Chapter 8, we will see how degree of food accumulation relates to sexual division of labor and the ways men and women relate to each other.) The history of human societies and of their interactions determines the sociopo- litical context, which, of course, interacts both with the ecological context and with the process variables. Whether societies are rich or poor, how wealth, power, and influence are distributed among a society’s members, and the degree of influence of a society on the world’s geopolitical stage, are all aspects of the sociopolitical context. This, in combination with the ecological context, plays an important role in shaping human behavior. (Later, in Chapter 7, we will see how values, which influence behav- ior, are themselves shaped by the sociopolitical context. In Chapters 8, 9, and 10 as well, the importance of sociopolitical variables on interpersonal and intergroup behaviors will become quite evident.) While stability over time is an important feature of culture, it is never complete. Cultures change constantly, either because of endog- enous innovations or through contact with other societies. In this dynamic process, it is sometimes difficult to differentiate what is due to invention and what is due to exter- nal influence, just as it is difficult to distinguish clearly an antecedent change in socio- political context and the processes of cultural adaptation and of acculturation. (Culture change and acculturation will be studied in detail in Chapter 11.) Process Variables The process variables at the population level include both cultural adaptation and biological adaptation. Cultural adaptations include all inventions that are adaptive to IS B N :0 -5 36 -3 25 45 -6 Human Behavior in Global Perspective: An Introduction to Cross-Cultural Psychology, Second Edition, by Marshall H. Segall, Pierre R. Dasen, John W. Berry, and Ype Poortinga. Copyright © 1999, 1990 by Allyn and Bacon. A Peason Education Company. 28 Chapter 2 the pressures of ecology, taking into account the history of the sociopolitical context. Culture comprises all human institutions that in the long run help populations sur- vive in a given ecological niche.1 If, for example, the ecological context allows food accumulation (and hence a food surplus), which in turn is related to the probability of a society’s being sedentary, that in turn will lead to a social and economic system that is compatible with being sedentary. A sedentary society is likely to have a dif- ferent leadership system (one that is more hierarchical) from one that is migratory. That social system, in this sense, is “adaptive.” While, broadly speaking, culture can be seen as an adaptation to ecological and sociohistorical conditions, the relationship is far from deterministic and unidirec- tional. Miller (1997) notes that “the same social structural arrangements and ecolog- ical conditions may be associated with different cultural meanings and practices and that cultural meanings and practices are not exclusively functional in character” (p. 106). Furthermore, culture, as a system of representations and meanings, is an integral part of contextual variables that are not always predictable from the ecolog- ical and sociohistorical contexts. The notion of symbolic culture focuses on the fact that other factors aside from milieu, environment, and ecology introduce contextual differences: Factors such as conceptual frame, beliefs, and value systems shared by individuals in a given culture also enter into contextual differences. Hence, as we have seen in Chapter 1, culture can be defined either as context or as process or as both. The second subcategory of process variables (biological adaptation) includes any response a population makes over many generations that is basically genetic. Such extremely long-term evolutionary changes are responsive to the press of ecol- ogy. Thus, genetic differences across subpopulations of human beings are treated in this framework as biological adaptations (usually in terms of physiology) to ecolog- ical pressure. These differences may show up, for example, as differential suscepti- bilities to certain diseases. These organismic differences do not reflect only genetic predispositions, of course. Health and nutritional status vary across populations far more because of cultural differences in diet and hygiene (ultimately linked to the sociopolitical context). But whatever their cause, they are differences in organismic status that reflect varying adaptations to ecological conditions. These two subcategories of process (or adaptive) variables, biological and cul- tural, may also interact with one another. For example, cultural customs regarding food intake may reflect a society’s experience in ages past with the positive and neg- ative influences of a food, consequences that may have had a genetic basis. For example, the ability to digest milk depends on the production of the enzyme lactase that breaks down the lactose contained in the milk into the components glucose and galactose. Most adult mammals, including most adult humans, lose the ability to 1The concept of ecological niche reflects the constant interaction over time between a species and its environment. IS B N :0-536 -32545-6 Human Behavior in Global