After reading the two articles and watching the two videos for this module, write a post that draws a connection among them.
- You might connect them topically OR
- You might trace a theme or image seen throughout OR
- You might use key words from our class to explain how the four sources work together
However you decide to connect these documents, make sure that your post is at least 2
paragraphs and that it cites specific evidence from the readings and the videos.
VIDEO LINKS:https://youtu.be/az4CvGTPa7g
https://youtu.be/cBdo5Rmo3vQ
PLEASE PROOFREAD THE SOLUTION. IVE BEEN GETTING BACK ALOT OF SOLUTIONS FULL OF MANY GRAMMATICAL ERRORS
I endas that with male the bottom ont. the corpo ; executive. have con erstood by coming to \gage with tics of con ;.Ifwomen American Hdify their em bytak \eakermay Jeong-Lim REA DIN G 47 Jo Doezema Forced to Choose: Beyond the Voluntary v. Forced Prostitution Dichotomy INTRODUCTION At the 1995.UniteO Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, I and other delegates from the Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP) and the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) lob bied to ensure that every mention of prostitution as a form of violence against women in the final conference document would be prefaced by the word "forced."! Because sex workers' human rights were not men tioned in the draft document, it was impossible to introduce this concept at the Conference. The best we could do was "damage limitation," keeping abolition ist language out of the final document. Ironically, I found myself lobbying for a recognition of the distinc tion between voluntary prostitution and forced prosti tution, a distinction I and other sex worker activists had come to realize had been subverted in such a way that it had become a new justification for denying sex workers their human rights. Does this mean that I deny that some women in the sex industry work in slavery-like conditions or that I deny that it is possible to choose prostitution as a pro fession? It does not. It means that I argue that the voluntary!forced dichotomy is the wrong theoretical framework with which to analyze the experience of sex workers. The necessity to critically examine the form this theory is taking is all the more pressing now that it is replacing abolitionism as the dominant model of prostitution at the international level. In this [article] I examine the rise to prominence of the "voluntary" versus "forced" model of sex worker experience, and the implications and consequences of this rise for sex workers' rights. In the first section, I give a short history of feminist attempts to get prostitu tion on the international political agenda. Second, an examination of relevant international instruments demonstrates that the voluntary! forced dichotomy is replacingthe abolitionist model of prostitution. Finally, I seek to show that this dichotomy has becomeanother 'way 'of ~rtyirtg'S{;;worKers'their hmi-ian right;' I PROSTITUTION AND INTER~ATIONALPOLITICS A Brief History , Early att~mpts to deal with prostitution internationally were heavily influenced by nineteenth-century feminist activism. 'It was women like Josephine Butler who first brought the issue of the "white slave trade" to interna tional attention, via a campaign to protect morals of both men and women. The feminist campaign, founded by Butler; began with attempts to repeal the Contagious Diseases .Acts in Britain.2 Under the acts, any woman identifie~ as a "common prostitute" was forced to undergo 'a formightly internal examination. Infected women were interned in specially designated hospital wards, "pseudomedical prisons for whores."3 Femimsts in the repeal movement were ambivalent in their attitudes to prostitutes. They recognized a commonality of interests with prostitutes, realizing that the Acts were a threat to the civil liberties of all women, Because any woman could be identified on the word of a police officer as a "common prostitute," any woman, especially a working-class woman, on her own in a certain area at a certain time could be detained and forced to submit to an internal examination. On the other hand, prostitution was seen as "the great social evil," and prostitutes as victims of male vice, who needed to be rescued. Thus, controlling male vice was seen as the key to ending prostitution. Regulation of prostitp.tion was condemned as an official licensing of male v.ce. After the repeal of the Acts in 1883, the focus of the campaigrt shifted from the rejection of government 517 518 Sf C1'I 0N 10 GLOBAL POLITICS AND THE STATE attempts to monitor sexuality to the promotion of repressive measures designed to end vic~. The agenda of the social purity movement was dommated by the mirages of white slave trade and child prostitution. This campaign was helped enormously by sensational ist journalists who seized on the titillating tales of deflowered innocence.... Research indicates that most of the "trafficking victims" were actually prostitutes migrating, like thousands of others, in hope of finding a better life.... Although the Contagious Disease Acts were finally repealed in 1886, in many places their regime was continued under a different name, with purity activists now patrolling the streets instead of the police.4 The movement for social purity had success in the US and the continent as well as in Britain. By the turn of the century, most of the existing regulatory systems in -- -EU1'op'e·and~ United States hadeAded, and interna tional efforts had begun to target the "white slave trade." In the five years before the end of the nineteenth century, three international conferences on the preven tion of trafficking in women were held.s In the early years of the century, two international instruments concerning the trade were created.6 The League of Nations adopted two conventions dealing with the traf fic in women and children.? In 1949, the UN adopted the Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others, which combined and superseded the earlier agreements. CurrentApproaches After the 1949 Convention was adopted, both feminist and international concern for prostitution and the traf fic in women abated for a time. But since the middle of the 1980s, there has been a new wave of feminist backed campaigning against trafficking in women, child prostitution and sex tourism. Campaign efforts have succeeded in putting prostitution back at the top of the international agenda.... The modern anti-trafficking campaign is split along ideological lines on views of prostitution. The funda mental difference of opinion concerns the question of whether or not a person can choose prostitution as a profession. Some feminists argue that all prostitution constitutes a human rights violation. The strongest advocate of this "neo-abolitionlst" view internationallv is the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW), founded by Kathleen Barry. Their "Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Sexual Exploitation of Women': defines prostitution as a form of sexual exploitation just like rape, genital mutilation, incest and battering.s Sexual exploitation is defined as "a practice by whi¢h women are sexually subjugated through abuse of women's sexuality and/or violation of phy sical in~egrity as a means of achieving power and domination including gratification, financial gain, advanc¢ment."9 Prostitution is explicitly named as a violation of women's human rights, and is also held respon~ible for "subordinating women as a group."lD The distinction between free and forced prostitu tion w~s developed by the prostitutes' rights mOve ment i~ response to feminists (and others) who sawall prostitlltion as abusive,u The World Charter for Prosti tutes Rights (1985) states "Decriminalize all aspects of adult prostitution resulting from individual deci sion."u This distinction was included in the analysis of some anti-ffltffltkingurganizations, such as'1:he Global· Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) based in Thailand. The GAATW objects to interna tional .instruments for "disregarding the will of adult persons engaged in prostitution" and demand that instrufIlents to combat trafficking be "based on respect for hujnan rights, specifically the right of all persons to self d~termination."13 Traffic in persons and forced prostitution are "manifestations of violence against women and the rejection of these practices, which are a violation of the right to self determination, must hold within itself the respect for the self determination of adt4lt persons who are voluntarily engaged in prost~tution."14 CH"NGING THE DOMINANT DISCOURSE The abolitionist viewpoint has defined the terms of the international discourse on prostitution for almost 100 years. This discourse is being challenged by those who ~ee sex work as a legitimate occupation. An exam ination of relevant UN instruments shows that there has been a shift away from mechanisms based on apo litionist ideology and toward an approach that respects the right to self-determination. This trend is most evi dent 'in those UN instruments dealing specifically with w0IT'!en's human rights and violence against women. The watershed for the shift can be located in the mid_198Gs. i s Before then, UN instruments were aboli tionist in character. Since thflt time, the majority make a distinction between voluntary and forced prosti tution. Prostitution is dealt with in many different UN bodies; it is beyond the scope of this [article] to arm of sexual ltion, incest and :i as "a practice gated through )lation of phy 19 power and lnancial gain, ly named as a \d is also held IS a group."lD >rced prostitu . rights move s) who sawall rter for Prosti ze all aspects iividual eteCi- the analysis of I as the Global ~n (GAATW) ts to intema , will of adult demand that ;ed on respect all persons to :; and forced lence against :;, which are a n, must hold etermination engaged in iCOURSE terms of the for almost ;ed by those iTI. An exam 'S that there Ised on apo :hat respects is most evi ifically with stwomen. :ated in the were aboli jority make ced prosti y different [article] to 519DOEZENA I FORCED TO CHOOSE examine them all. Rather, I will focus on key docu Netherlands and Italy, because they considered that ments and the work of the main bodies to illustrate the the nElw element of suppression of prostitution unac shift towards a new discourse. ceptableY The amendment was rejected; thus it can be argued that Article 6 does not consider all prostitution inhert:1ntly coercive.1s The Mexico Declaration on theAbolitionist Instruments Equality of Women, adopted at the Second UN Confer The Preamble to the 1949 Convention for the Suppres ence on Women in 1975, makes no distinction between sion of Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the forced and voluntary prostitution: "Women all over the Prostitution of Others states that "prostitution and ... world should unite to eliminate violations of human traffic in